This is a repost of a review I wrote elsewhere, with minor editing.
While I'm still waiting for  someone to do a treatise on the alchemical language employed by Marx to  explain Capital and the magic the Capitalists/Bourgeoisie employ  ("everything that is solid melts into air..."), I've had to settle  instead with general clarifications.   
So in the meantime, TOoC was quite useful.  This is the second time  i've read it, though for some reason the first reading (about 6 years  ago) really must have been inadequate.  Or, rather say, I had at that  earlier point less exposure to most of the historians and economic  theorists she uses and conflicts.  I'd heard of E.P. Thompson but never  read him; Weber was un-opened on my bookshelf, and I hadn't even read  Das Kapital yet.  But none of that adequately explains why, on the  second reading, i held in my hands an entirely different book.   
Her premise is simple: The birth of Capitalism was a recent  historical event.  Within that statement, however, exists a myriad of  complications, and it's a minority view.   
The typical story of Capitalism goes like this: after massive  european plagues, the printing press and the Reformation, so many people  lived in towns instead of feudal arrangements that we all became  somehow liberated to our own self-interest, investing surplus funds  ("primal accumulation") into our own improvement and, with enough people  doing so, the rate of "technological progress" sped up to make most of  us not need to raise our own food anymore.  We all became Capitalists  (after a few beheadings in France) and spread the good word to the rest  of the world, constantly making life better for ourselves and others,  though we were a bit sloppy and maybe shouldn't have burned so much  coal.   
Capitalism in this scenario is a natural outgrowth, then, a step  along the way (or the Final Step, if you aren't a Marxist) towards  democracy and space exploration and flat-screen tv's and kidney  transplants.  Marxists point to the exploitation within the system and  suggest another step (Communism, or central-planned economies, where our  lives will finally be better), but either way, Progress will win out  (or our cities will flood).   
The very lazy or the very Ayn-Randian posit Capitalism as  already-always existing, merely waiting to be freed by oppressive trade  barriers (like Feudalism),  but their further arguments still usually  follow the aforementioned pattern.  Evolutionary/Behavioural/Psychologist sorts also  sometimes get into this, coming up with all  sorts of Scientific (tm) ways of explaining how well natural selection  and Capitalism go hand in hand.   
But Wood has none of it. For her, Capitalism began in England when  rent for farms became a market, something which had never happened in  recorded history.  Landlords, with the death of feudalism (she argues  that Capitalism did not destroy Feudalism, against most histories), had  to collect "surplus" from tenants in the form of monied-rents without  "extra-economic" coercion (i.e., taxes, levies, outright violence)  because they had lost much of their legal/juridical power.  Markets (and  trade) had always existed, but economic coercion had not (Florence and  the Dutch Republic were both massive urban areas with huge markets  without Capitalism--even most of the "Commercialists" agree to this and  call them "failed transitions").   
With the pressure from landlords now to collect surplus money, the  farmers on their land found themselves needing to grow even more than  before (previous feudal arrangements were typically one-third of all  produce, but now the amount was set, regardless of what markets  provided).  Farmers suddenly had to compete with each  other for profit,  which destabilised prices and made some people lose their farms.  The  landlords, in response, could charge more for the land of the  "productive" farmers, could re-lease unrented land to them, thus  rewarding the successful competitor taking from the loser their very  access to self-reproduction (substinence, etc.).  Those dispossessed  farmers became reliant on the market now for everything they used to be  able to make for themselves before, thus creating "consumer-goods"  markets. 
The key-word for her is Imperative.  Farmers didn't take advantage  of "opportunities," they responded to imperatives (grow/make more or  lose your land).  Landowners also found themselves no longer in a  voluntary position--once one landowner can't farm out his land to  tenants, his land is threatened by other landowners who can.  Markets  previously were governed not just by supply and demand, but  community/social obligations and restrictions, but the pressure of so  much displacement and imperative to earn/invest violently reduced these  restrictions (Enclosure had happened before, but not with so much speed  and legislative authority).   
But therein lies another complication.  Any Free-Market apologist will  tell you that the state gets in the way of the market, though they still  consistently rely upon central authorities to ensure the right  conditions for their profit-taking.  Without police, no one's around to  arrest the thieves or squatters, because the coercion of Capitalism is  pristinely Economic.  Political Coercion must come from outside of it,  must serve it, and must not get too much in the way.  The English  State's willingness to serve this role ensured capitalism's naissance  (consider Foucault's point in Discipline & Punish about the number of  "economic-crime" laws--and their commensurate  violence-of-punishment--which did not exist before Capitalism took  hold).   
Capitalism didn't take hold elsewhere for a little while, nor did it  "spontaneously generate" anywhere else.  Other states responded to the  pressure eventually to the point we're at now, but it's vital for her  that we continue to see the exact genesis point (in england, in the  rural areas). 
She makes a few other arguments, some of which almost seem  extraneous and besides-the-point.  Placing the birth of Capitalism in  agriculture, rather than the cities, places into doubt the  traditional/marxist understanding of the Bourgeoisie.  She's right to  point out that the bourgeoisie in France were not fighting for  capitalism, but rather access to extra-economic coercion (offices,  titles, etc. that would allow the professionals of the city to collect  taxes).  
I'm willing to accept this, but I don't like the consequences of her  final conclusions.  She separates the French and English Enlightenment  (England had Locke--arguing that natives should be forced off their land  because they refused to put it to productive use; France had Voltaire  and Rousseau), and she can do this to a point, but by the time of the French  Revolution i don't think the differences continue.  She makes a great  argument for separating "modernity" from "capitalism," believes as I do  that most food shortages are due to capitalist profit-imperative, not  productive capacity, and she almost completely destroys the notion of  Progress. 
But something suddenly stops her.  The last two chapters find her  shredding through her entire argument, leaving the pieces on the floor  for us to paste back together in her search for some way to keep  Human/Universal Rights as Progress.   She  rejects much of the "post-modern" arguments about the meta-narrative  concerning Capitalism because human rights/western secularism is  something too important for her to destroy.  She's almost there, she's  about to axe them, and then you hear her gasp as she suddenly realises  she's throwing out what she thinks is the baby in the muddy water of the  bath.  It's not a baby, actually, there never was one.  Capitalism used  her tub as a toilet, and, perhaps exhausted from her brilliant intellectual work, she mistook one of the undissolved turds (the "progress" of human-rights")  for a drowning child.   
 
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